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略论17世纪的一项宗教文化试验方案

孙尚扬1

(1.北京大学哲学系宗教学系)

【摘要】17世纪被很多学者视作早期现代性的起点, 其中一个重大的思想史事件是培根提出将试验法引入到对自然和世界的理解之中。而中国的儒家天主教徒与传教士则在南京教案中提出了一项宗教文化试验方案, 其核心原则是通过试验之法论证儒耶相合基础上的天主教的正统性, 次要原则是吁请朝廷通过试验对天主教与释道平等相待, 予以容纳。这些原则虽然彰显了一些儒家天主教徒较为开放健全的文化心态, 却与同样在17世纪产生的早期现代性的一些关键观念 (如洛克提出的政教分离、良心自由、宗教自由) 颇有距离。但是, 就是这样一项温和的试验方案却遭到了最高统治者拒斥, 这预示着政主教从和儒教正统支配的传统还将在路径依赖所形成的惯性中运转相当长的一段时间。

【关键词】 试验法;南京教案;正统;平等;容纳;早期现代性;

【DOI】

A brief view on a religious and cultural experimental scheme in the 17th century

SUN Shangyang1

(1.Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Peking University)

【Abstract】Many scholars regarded the 17th century as the starting point of early modernity. One of the major intellectual history events was Bacon’s proposal to introduce experimental methods into the understanding of nature and the world. Moreover, the Chinese Confucian Catholics and missionaries put forward a religious and cultural experiment scheme in Nanjing religious rebel. The core principle is to prove the orthodoxy of Catholicism based on the combination of Confucianism and Christianity through experiments. The secondary principle is to call on the court to treat Catholicism equally as Buddhism and Taoism through experiments and accommodate this religion. Although these principles show the open and sound cultural mentality of some Confucian Catholics, they are quite far from some key concepts of early modernity (such as separation of religion and government, freedom of conscience and freedom of religion proposed by Locke), which were also produced in the 17th century. However, even such a moderate experiment scheme has been rejected by the supreme ruler, which indicates that the state-dominated and religion-followed tradition will continue for a long time in the inertia formed by path dependence.

【Keywords】 experimental method; Nanjing religious rebel; orthodoxy; equality; accommodation; early modernity;

【DOI】

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    [1]. (1) [America] Cohen, R. & Kennedy, P. Global Sociology. Wen, J. et al. (trans.) Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 61 (2001). [^Back]

    [2]. (2) Li, B. 火枪与账簿: 早期经济全球化时代的中国与东亚世界. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 57 (2017). [^Back]

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    [7]. (7) Francis Bacon, “The New Organon (1620),” Aphorisms Book One, 70, 82, 103–104, reprinted in Bacon, The New Organon and Related Writings, 31–268, at 67–69, 79–80, and 97–98. [^Back]

    [8]. (8) See [America] Witte, J. Religion and American Constitutional Experience. Song, H. (trans.) Shanghai: Shanghai Joint Publishing Company, 4 (2011). [^Back]

    [9]. (9) [England] Bacon, F. Novum Organum. Xu, B. (trans.) Beijing: The Commercial Press, 18–19 (1984). [^Back]

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    [13]. (13) Xu, G. in Wu, X. (ed.) 天主教东传文献续编(一). Taipei: Student Book Bureau, 29 (1986). [^Back]

    [14]. (14) At least see Zhang, K. 庞迪我与中国. Zhengzhou: Elephant Press, 285 (2009); Huang, Y. 两头蛇: 明末清初的第一代天主教徒. Shanghai: Shanghai Century Publishing Co., Ltd. and Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 117–122 (2015); Xiao, Q.“天会”与“吾党”:明末清初天主教徒群体研究. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 87–98 (2015); Dudink’s unpublished doctoral thesis (Leiden University), Christianity in Late Ming China: Five Studies. [^Back]

    [15]. (15) Matteo Ricci used the word “adaptation” in his famous De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas. He mentioned that all the religious groups should “modify and adapt in a Christian way.” See [Japan] Criveller, G. Preaching Christ in Late Ming China. Wang, Z., Si, Z. & Wang, J. (trans.) Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House, 44 (1999). [^Back]

    [16]. (16) For the above, see Sun, S. A Study of the Interaction between Catholicism and Confucianism in Late Ming Dynasty (明末天主教与儒学的互动). Beijing: China Religious Culture Publisher, 4–24 (2013). [^Back]

    [17]. (17) Faure, D. Society and Etiquette in Ming and Qing Dynasties. Zeng, X. (trans.) Beijing: Beijing Normal University Press, 3–10 (2017). [^Back]

    [18]. (18) [Germany] Weber, M. Weber’s Collection of Works: Religion in China: Religion and the World. Kang, L. & Jian, H. (trans.) Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, 236 (2004). [^Back]

    [19]. (19) See the Palace Museum (ed.) 康熙与罗马使节关系文书影印本, 17 (1932). [^Back]

    [20]. (20) Zhang Kai made a detailed investigation of Matteo Ricci’s difficult choice between Diego de Pantoja and Niccolo Longobardi, including psychological analysis. See Zhang, K. 庞迪我与中国. Zhengzhou: Elephant Press, 169–191 (2009). [^Back]

    [21]. (21) Po Xie Ji (破邪集) in 大藏经补编 (28 copies), Taipei: Huayu Publishing House, 229 (1986). Xu Ruke, Langzhong of the Ministry of Rites in Nanjing, has a similar description in Chu Xi Ren Wang Fengsu Yi (处西人王丰肃议) recorded in Qiankun Zhengqi Ji (乾坤正气集) (Volume 290). [^Back]

    [22]. (22) Zhong, M.: Yang Tingjun: A Catholic Confucian in the Late Ming Dynasty (杨廷筠:明末天主教儒者), Social Sciences Academic Press, 110 (2002). [^Back]

    [23]. (23) Zou, Z.: The “Paradigm” Significance of Nanjing Religious Rebel in the Late Ming Dynasty in the Study of Chinese Religious Rebel History (明末南京教案在中国教案史研究中的“范式”意义), Academic Monthly (学术月刊), Vol. 40, 122 (5): (2008). [^Back]

    [24]. (24) Po Xie Ji (破邪集) in 大藏经补编 (Vol. 28), 220. According to the law of Ming Dynasty, “Anyone who goes across a pass or ferry without permission will be beaten with 80 sticks. Anyone who does not go across the border through a pass or a ferry should be beaten with 90 sticks. Anyone who goes across the border along the frontier defense will be beaten with 100 sticks and serve three years of hard labor. Anyone who goes out of the country in the same way should be hanged and those who guard the checkpoint but let him go should be punished for the same crime. The staff whose fault lies in failing to question should be degraded for three ranks and only be beaten with a hundred sticks. Soldiers in the army should be degraded for one more rank due to the fault and those on duty that day should also be punished. (All the rest articles are subject to this.) Anyone who goes across the pass or ferry by others’ fake documentary evidence will be beaten with 80 sticks. If anyone makes himself as a scapegoat of his family member, the head of the family will be implicated and punished. Those who guard the checkpoint will be punished for the same crime if they know, and those who do not will not be punished.” See (Ming) Liu, W. Law of Ming Dynasty (Vol. 30). Chinese Classic Ancient Ebooks developed by Beijing Airusheng Digital Technology Research Center has recorded Japanese editions of the year of Jingming and Hongwu, page 49 (all pages quoted by this paper that are marked by Beijing Airusheng Digital Technology Research Center are displayed electronically. The same below). “In areas along the border and the interior, if spies inside the border leak out information to foreigners and spies outside the border go across the border to inquire about things, they should be captured to the government, interrogated to point out those who receive and agitate them to launch the coup, and beheaded after the truth is told. Those who guard the place through which these people pass, know the truth but deliberately let them go or do not report the case should be punished due to the same crime as the prisoners. Those whose fault is not to make inquiries should be beaten with 100 sticks and those soldiers with 90 sticks.” ((Ming) Liu, W. Law of Ming Dynasty (Vol. 30), 90). In response, Diego de Pantoja defended in Jyu Jie: Matteo Ricci and Diego de Pantoja have received permission and help from officials from all over the country and even government officials all the way from Guangdong to Beijing. He even listed the surnames and official positions of these famous public figures, which can be checked clearly, and pointed out that after Matteo arrived in Beijing, “he resolutely refused those noble official rankings and did not accept food provided by the officials. At that time, Minister of Rituals discussed knowledge and learning, and told everyone the truth of Matteo Ricci who believed in God, so they, for several times, wanted to submit memorials to the emperor.” (Catholic Documents of Ming and Qing Dynasties in Bibliotheca Zi-Ka-Wei (徐家汇藏书楼明清天主教文献) (I), hereinafter referred to as Bibliotheca Zi-Ka-Wei (徐家汇藏书) (I). Taipei: Fu Shen, 71–75 (1996).) This kind of defense can be described as a wolf in sheep’s clothing, warning Shen not to offend the bureaucratic groups that are friendly to missionaries or even the emperor himself. [^Back]

    [25]. (25) “Any wizard that pretends to come with evil spirits, writes seal script, uses cursed water, asks the god to possess divination, prays to the god, claims to be Duan Gong, Tai Bao, Witch, or randomly claims to be Maitreya, or engaged in Bai Lian She, Ming Zun Religion, and Bai Yun Zong will be regarded as people engaged in a heresy that disturbs the right path. Anyone who hides illegal images, burns incense, summons people to gather at night and leave in the morning, pretending to do good deeds but actually bewitching people should be hanged. Their followers should be beaten with 100 sticks and exiled to 3000 miles away for hard labor.” (Ming) Liu, W. Law of Ming Dynasty (Vol. 30), 39. [^Back]

    [26]. (26) [Germany] Weber, M. Weber’s Collection of Works: Religion in China: Religion and the World. Kang, L. & Jian, H. (trans.) Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, 277, 273 (2004). [^Back]

    [27]. (27) Po Xie Ji (破邪集), 220. [^Back]

    [28]. (28) In response, Diego de Pantoja and Sabbatino de Ursis refuted at that time in Jyu Jie, “The Atlantic Ocean, opposite to the small Atlantic Ocean, refers to the sea of difference size, but not the country of different size, which can be traced on the territory map. The Atlantic Ocean is sometimes called Tessie or Tesi, which means extreme west and is used to distinguish itself from the western regions where the Hui people live. We also see that China’s counties and cities also use names with the character da (大, literally meaning big) and it is alright. Among those areas ruled by the emperor, a city has the name Daxing; a county has the name Daming; and others have the name Datong, Dazu, Taian, and Taihe. As for the small countries nearby, people have never heard of the prohibition on Dashi or Daliuqiu, so people think there is no taboo. It is probably just a rumor that people sometimes believe that Diego de Pantoja comes from Daxiguo. How can one know him in this way?” Bibliotheca Zi-Ka-Wei (徐家汇藏书) (I), 76–77. This refutation at least conforms to the Western formal logic that the Chinese were not familiar with at that time. [^Back]

    [29]. (29) Po Xie Ji (破邪集), 221. In response, Diego de Pantoja defended in Jyu Jie, “God is the creator of heaven, earth and all things. The God worshiped by Western countries is the Heaven worshiped by China, which is also the Great Heaven sacrificed by China. . . . China uses Heaven to refer to God, just as it uses the imperial court to refer to emperors. There is nothing wrong with it. It can be understood if the revolving one and the controlling one are both called Heaven just because the characters are flexible while the Western words must distinguish them and call the Heaven God. Thus both Heaven and God are the same. If God dominates above all, does it mean that God is the dominator of the Great Heaven? People should understand that nothing is above God although some of them are extremely ignorant.” Bibliotheca Zi-Ka-Wei (徐家汇藏书) (I), 78–79. The adaptive strategy suitable for Confucianism is still used here. [^Back]

    [30]. (30) Xu Guangqi once admitted, “Among the people who impeached Diego de Pantoja and other Western envoys in Ministry of Rites in Nanjing, some said that his opinions gradually spread so that even scholars and gentlemen believed in him. . . and I am one of them.” See Bian Xue Shu Gao (辩学疏稿), 21. [^Back]

    [31]. (31) See Po Xie Ji (破邪集), 221–222. In view of the obvious advancement of the Western calendar at that time, there is no need to repeat Diego de Pantoja’s defense in Jyu Jie. [^Back]

    [32]. (32) Po Xie Ji (破邪集), 222. In response to this accusation, Diego de Pantoja defended with “different significances of sacrifice.” He said, “Only God can bear the pray with rewards and sacrifices. Someone in the folk offers sacrifice to their ancestors to beg for good fortune and avoid disaster. This is the ability by virtue of the power of God, so it is impossible to impose it on people. Laws, systems, rites and rituals for sacrificial ceremonies do not exist naturally. If, according to what has been said, we offer them seasonal food, treat the dead as if he were alive, or arrange settings like Western countries do and give alms to the poor for our ancestors, so as to pray to God for the blessings in underworld, why not? It is absolutely impossible if one obeys Buddhist teachings and burns joss paper, saying that it is fake and can be used to bribe the underworld to slander others, violate natural principles, foster the evil and hinder the good, and these are not the official tests contained in the old system and ritual classics. Local people are allowed to explain the truth and principles, let others weigh their options and do not commit a crime, but they do not prohibit people’s sacrifice. Among the Ten Commandments in Catholicism, kings and parents are the most important to worship besides God. People who are not filial to their parents or not kind to their siblings are guilty of great crimes and are severely tortured in hell, which can be seen in translated Confucian classics. These words of jealousy and resentment from the two sects of Buddhism and Taoism are just spread rumors. How can there be any religion in the world that teaches people not to be filial to their parents and not to love their siblings?” See Jyu Jie in Bibliotheca Zi-Ka-Wei (徐家汇藏书) (I), 82–84. The meaning here is obvious. Diego de Pantoja insists that Christians should only pray (or offer sacrifice) to God, but they are allowed to worship their ancestors “as if death were life” in order to pray for the good of God. This should be regarded as one of the results of the combination and integration of the etiquette of Christianity and Confucianism, as well as an experimental result of the sinicization of Catholic etiquette. [^Back]

    [33]. (33) Po Xie Ji (破邪集), 222. Diego de Pantoja’s defense is that when he was in the capital, “thanks to the favor of the emperor and the food prepared by the officials, I can support myself luckily and do not need extra money to deal with any change, but it is not enough for helping others.” In the Society of Jesus, “other fellows are sometimes short of clothes and food, so they have to sell their utensils at a low price, get into debt or mortgage to get clothes and food.” When they are short of money, they are often “half-starved.” There is no evidence to show that missionaries have the ability to “buy popularity” or to “hatch a sinister plot.” When explaining the financial sources of missionaries’ religious activities, Diego de Pantoja also said that the missionaries “have their own resources,” and most of them were “sent in bags” legally by “credible” European businessmen after they came to China (Macau?). See Jyu Jie in Bibliotheca Zi-Ka-Wei (徐家汇藏书) (I), 84–87. This is similar to Xu Guangqi’s statement of denying missionaries’ acceptance of “foreign merchants’ aid” and “donations” in Bian Xue Shu Gao. SeeXu, G. in Wu, X. (ed.) 天主教东传文献续编(一). Taipei: Student Book Bureau, 31 (1986). There are many similarities in the records of Pantoja and Xu. This raises a question: had both of them communicated with each other on writing when they were both in Beijing at the same time? This question is worth exploring. Zhang Kai clearly affirms that “the author of Jyu Jie was deeply influenced by Xu Guangqi’s Bian Xue Zhang Shu” but no evidence has been found. See Zhang, K. 庞迪我与中国. Zhengzhou: Elephant Press, 329 (2009). Moreover, with regard to the financial source for missionary activities, there are more specific records in the “case judging Zhong Mingli”: “his money was sent from Western countries to Macao, and Macao businessmen passed it to Joao da Rocha, then he passed it here. This process continued all the year round.” See Po Xie Ji (破邪集), 237. [^Back]

    [34]. (34) See Jyu Jie in Bibliotheca Zi-Ka-Wei (徐家汇藏书) (I), 138. [^Back]

    [35]. (35) Po Xie Ji (破邪集), 223–224. [^Back]

    [36]. (36) Po Xie Ji (破邪集), 224–226. [^Back]

    [37]. (37) Po Xie Ji (破邪集), 231. [^Back]

    [38]. (38) Emperor Wanli’s red comments on Xu Guangqi’s Bian Xue Shu Gao were “known.” He did not give any praise or criticism with an ambiguous attitude. See Zhang, K. 庞迪我与中国. Zhengzhou: Elephant Press, 317 (2009). [^Back]

    [39]. (39) Even the words of chamberlains may have led to Emperor Wanli’s failure to take extreme measures of religious prohibition. Xu Guangqi said, “Your majesty. . . . Recently I asked the chamberlain: why do Western sages have so many comments? The chamberlain replied that he has always been heard good comments here, and your majesty knows very well.” See Wang, C. (coll.) Collection of Xu Guangqi (徐光启集). Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 492 (1984). [^Back]

    [40]. (40) Collection of Xu Guangqi (徐光启集), 492. [^Back]

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    [42]. (42) [France] Louis, P. Biographies and Bibliography of Jesuits in China. Feng, C. (trans.) Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 76 (1995). For the map drawn by Diego de Pantoja, please also refer to the memorials he submitted for this purpose. See Alenio, G. Zhi Fang Wai Ji Jiao Shi (职方外纪校释). Xie, F. (coll. & anno.) Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 17–19 (1996). [^Back]

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    [46]. (46) Jyu Jie, 115–120. [^Back]

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ISSN:1000-4289

CN: 11-1299/B

Vol , No. 01, Pages 20-30

February 2019

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Abstract

  • 1 Background of the religious and cultural experimental scheme
  • 2 Core principle in proposing religious experimental scheme: orthodoxy
  • 3 Secondary principles: accommodation and equality under Confucianism
  • 4 Conclusion
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