Northeast Asia Forum is supervised by Ministry of Education of PRC, and sponsored by Jilin University. It is an authoritative academic journal, aiming to promote international cooperation, economic and trade, friendly exchanges, especially emphasizing on the strategic issues among Northeast Asian countries. Its scope covers studies in political, economic, historical, cultural, regional cooperation and international relations of Northeast Asia, and also lays stress on the development and new trends in all industries in Northeast Asian and Asia-Pacific areas.
The journal is included in CSSCI.
Editor-in-Chief Zhu Xianping
Deputy Editor-in-Chief Li Yingwu
Editorial Board Lowell Dittmer (U.S.); Lee Il-houng (ROK); Mikhail Titarenko (RUS); Davydov Andrey (RUS); Ogawa Yuhei(JAP); Wang Jisi; Zhu Xianping; Liu Jiangyong; Liu Debin; Li Junjiang; Li
Value integration is the key point of public diplomacy. In the Republic of Korea-Japan competition on the “comfort women” issue in terms of public diplomacy towards the United States, the “historical truth believers” successfully promoted the issue of “comfort women” into a social movement well-implanted into the mainstream society and culture of the United States by lobbying, publicity, and building monuments and statues, gaining the relatively superior position over the “historical revisionists” and having decisive impact on the foreign policy of the United States. As a result, the design and implementation of public diplomacy should be combined with the situation of a targeting country. The content, instrument and aim of value integration should be oriented objectively so as to get good outcomes.
The “Belt and Road” initiative is an important anchor of China’s economic growth in the future. However, the potential impact from Japan is uncertain. According to the research of the paper, first, the trade share of Northeast, Southeast, and West Asian countries with China and Japan is significantly larger than other regions. The Sino-Japan trade competition is intensifying. Moreover, China is still in the low end of international division of labor and still stays in the “flying geese structure” led by Japan who has a much stronger impact in those regions. Second, Central Asia, South Asia, and Central and Eastern European countries generally have a low trade volume with China and Japan, but the “Belt and Road” initiative will help China to expand its influence in these regions. Third, China and Japan is the largest trading country with each other among countries along the “Belt and Road” initiative. The majority of China’s trade with Japan is labor-intensive low-tech products, with large volume of trade surplus. China still needs short-term trade-led economic growth. So the “Belt and Road” initiative should not be implemented at the expense of China’s trade with Japan. Fourth, China needs to strengthen the capability of independent innovation, to build the core technology, working with Japan through competition to build a stable international division of labor. Overall, China and Japan have their own advantages in Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia and West Asia. However, China is lack of core technology as core competitiveness. Thus the “Belt and Road” initiative is also bound by the Japanese influence.
Japan expands Okinotorishima not only to control the natural resources there, but also to fight for control of the West Pacific Ocean, which is its long-term strategic consideration. It is twisting relevant articles of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea by calling Okinotorishima an island. Japan broadly interprets the articles favorable to it, and deliberately ignores and even abandons other content which is integral part of an article. With Okinotorishima as a basis, Japan asserts expanded control over maritime space and hopes to support and promote the assertion through artificial expansion projects. This practice which is not in line with the international rule and breaches international law not only threatens the strategic interests of China, but also affects the benefits of the international society.
In the background of the “Belt and Road” Initiative, China's financial support and cooperation with relevant countries has made fruitful outcomes in seven aspects. But with the further development of foreign financial services, the risk of financial industry has become increasingly prominent. Countries along the “Belt and Road” have huge political, religious, cultural, geographical, and ethnic differences. The economic and social development level is also very uneven. Project construction itself has its particularity. All of these have a great impact on China's financial support and cooperation, which is faced with many uncertain factors. In this paper, the author puts forward some effective strategies to deal with risks.
East Asia, the arena for China’s rise and the front where China exerts its influence on the world, is in danger of “Balkanization.” One of the issues about the security structure in the East Asia is the surplus of Hub-and-Spoke bilateralism and the lack of positive and reasonable multilateralism. Therefore, a safe enviornment can not be developed between China and Japan, and the two countries, due to historical issues, have never achieved thorough reconciliation. As proved by the history of the international relations in Europe, multilateralism plays a key role in realizing the reconciliation between countries and ethnics. However, compared to Europe, in the East Asia, both the Hub-and-Spoke bilateralism and multilateralism are more complex. Therefore, China should actively participate in reasonable multilateralization in the East Asia and pave the way to achieve reconciliation between China and Japan.
The Japanese government promulgated a report in regards with the Diaoyu Islands sovereignty on April 15, 2016. In the report, two documents about Izawa Yakita were added for the first time to support the claim that the Qing government raised no objection to the disembarkation of Izawa Yakita to Diaoyu Islands, which is in turn interpreted as the evidence that the Qing government did not regard Diaoyu Islands as China's territory. However, it is showed in this article that the fact is to the contrary. We investigate three pieces of evidence: the historical archives about Izawa Yakita that published by Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan and the interview reports of the Kyushu Daily News, especially Izawa Yakita's daughter Izawa Maki's testimony on January 8th, 1972. All of these records provide further evidence for Chinese indisputable sovereignty over Diaoyu Islands.
With the melt of Arctic icecap and snow, economic, political, and military value of the Arctic has become increasingly prominent, attracting worldwide attention. Arctic affairs, as a part of global affairs, cannot be developed without the Arctic stakeholders’ participation. Arctic stakeholder is the common identity of China, Japan, and the ROK, which decides similar interest demands and similar interest influences on the formation of their Arctic policies, which also reflect their similarities. China, Japan, and the ROK’s Cooperation in Arctic affairs can improve the efficiency of the implementation of the policies, and their previous cooperation on the Arctic climate and environment, scientific expedition, resource development, and channel utilization laid the foundation of cooperation in Arctic affairs, which provide a reliable path to promote the feasibility of three parties’ cooperation in Arctic affairs.
