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Logic of the effective supply of regional security public goods by small state groups: a case study of the ASEAN

小国集团有效供给区域安全公共产品的逻辑——以东盟为例

CHEN Xiang
陈翔

(1. Research Center of Peripheral Security and International Cooperation, Central China Normal University)
(1. 华中师范大学中国周边安全与合作研究中心)
【Abstract】
【摘要】

【Keywords】 small state groups; autonomy preference; power pooling; regional security public goods; the ASEAN; regional security;

【关键词】 小国集团; 自主偏好; 力量汇集; 区域安全公共产品; 东盟; 地区安全;

【DOI】

【Funds】2014 Key Project of the National Social Science Fund of China (14ZDA087);

【基金】2014年度国家社会科学基金重大项目“总体国家安全观下的中国东南周边地区安全机制构建研究” (项目编号:14ZDA087) 的阶段性成果;

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(Translated by ZHONG Yehong)

    Footnote
    脚注

    ① For research in this area, please refer to: Monika Barthwal-Datta and Soumita Basu, “Reconceptualizing Regional Security in South Asia: A Critical Security Approach”, Security Dialogue, Vol. 48, No. 5, 2017, pp. 393–409; Chen, X. & Wang, Y. World Economics and Politics (世界经济与政治), (6): 102–122 (2015).

    ② Martin C. Mc Guire, “Mixed Public-Private Benefit and Public-Good Supply with Application to the NATO Alliance”, Defense & Peace Economics, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1990, pp. 17–35.

    ③ Wei, L. World Economics and Politics (世界经济与政治), (5): 85–100 (2014).

    ① Jakkie Cilliers, “Hopes and Challenges for the Peace and Security Architecture of the African Union”, in Hany Besada, ed., Crafting an African Security Architecture: Addressing Regional Peace and Conflict in the 21st Century, Ashgate Publishing Company, 2010, p. 52.

    ② Seng Tan, Multilateral Asian Security Architecture: Non-ASEAN Stakeholders, Routledge, 2016, p. 29.

    ③ [Singapore] Mahbubani, K. & Sng, J. The ASEAN Miracle: A Catalyst for Peace. Zhai, K., Wang, L. et al. (trans.) Beijing: Peking University Press, Preface 22 (2017).

    ④ Representative works in this area include: Clive Archer, Alyson J. K. Bailes and Anders Wevel, Small States and International Security: Europe and Beyond, Routledge, (2014); Wei. M. Small States and International Security (小国与国际安全). Beijing: Peking University Press (北京大学出版社), (2016).

    ⑤ Wang, F. & Lu, J. (eds.) An Introduction to International Security (国际安全概论). Beijing: World Affairs Press, 122 (2010).

    ① Chen, D. (ed.) Global Security Governance and the Reform of UN Security Regime (全球安全治理与联合国安全机制改革). Beijing: Current Affairs Press, 3 (2012).

    ② Max A. Sesay, “Collective Security or Collective Disaster? Regional Peace-keeping in West Africa”, Security Dialogue, Vol. 26, No. 2, 1995, pp. 205–222.

    ③ John-Mark Iyi, “The AU-ECOWAS Regional Military Intervention Legal Regimes and the UN Charter”, African Journal of International and Comparative Law, Vol. 21, No. 3, 2016, pp. 489–519; Hassan Hamdan al-Alkim, The GCC States in an Unstable World: Foreign-Policy Dilemmas of Small States, Saqi Books, 1994; Noel M. Morada, “The ASEAN Regional Forum: Origins and Evolution”, in Jurgen Haacke and Noel M. Morada, eds., Cooperative Security in the Asia-Pacific: The ASEAN Regional Forum, Routledge, 2010, pp. 13–35.

    ④ Peter Jones, “South Asia: Is a Regional Security Community Possible?” South Asian Survey, Vol. 15, No. 2, 2008, pp. 183–193; Zahid S. Ahmed, Regionalism and Regional Security in South Asia: The Role of SAARC, Ashgate, 2014.

    ① Mohammed Nuruzzaman, “Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Qatar and Dispute Mediations: A Critical Investigation”, Contemporary Arab Affairs, Vol. 18, No. 4, 2015, pp. 535–552.

    ② Peter Vale, “Regional Security in Southeastern Africa”, Alternative Global Local Political, Vol. 21, No. 3, 1996, pp. 363–391.

    ③ Robert Yates, “ASEAN as the ‘Regional Conductor’: Understanding ASEAN Role in Asia-Pacific Order”, The Pacific Review, Vol. 30, No. 4, 2016, pp. 443–461.

    ④ Isiaka A. Badmus, The African Union’s Role in Peacekeeping: Building on Lessons Learned from Security Operations, Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, p. 226.

    ① Farah Dakhlallah, “The League of Arab States and Regional Security: Towards an Arab Security Community”, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 39, No. 3, 2012, pp. 393–412.

    ② Miriam Prys, “Hegemony, Domination, Detachment: Differences in Regional Powerhood”, International Studies Review, Vol. 12, No. 4, 2010, p. 479.

    ③ Cyril I. Obi, “Nigeria’s Foreign Policy and Transnational Security Challenges in West Africa”, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, Vol. 26, No. 2, 2008, p. 189.

    ④ Gani J. Yoroms, “ECOMOG and West African Regional Security: A Nigerian Perspective”, African Studies Association, Vol. 21, No. 1–2, 1993, p. 84.

    ⑤ Monica Herz, “Concepts of Security in South America”, International Peacekeeping, Vol. 17, No. 5, 2010, p. 599.

    ⑥ Nasser Rashid Al-Mawali, “Intra-Gulf Cooperation Council: Saudi Arabia Effect”, Journal of Economic Integration, Vol. 30, No. 3, 2015, pp. 532–552.

    ① Elisa Lopez-Lucia, “Regional Powers and Regional Security Governance: An Interpretive Perspective on the Politics of Nigeria and Brazil”, International Relations, Vol. 29, No. 3, 2015, pp. 348–362.

    ① Relative to regional powers, world powers include the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, namely, the United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, as well as Japan according to the existing recognition criteria of the international community, which are also the “poles” in the multipolar era. Refer to Andrew F. Cooper, “Testing Middle Power’s Collective Action in a World of Diffuse Power”, International Journal, Vol. 71, No. 4, 2017, pp. 529–544.

    ② There are various interpretations of the concept of small states, including physical scale, national capacity and subjective perception. It is generally believed that small states are the vulnerable party whose national strength is at the bottom of the international system and it is difficult for them to change the nature and function of relations. Refer to Robert O. Keohane, “Lilliputian’s Dilemmas: Small States in International Politics”, International Organization, Vol. 23, No. 2, 1969, pp. 291–310; Laurent Goetschel, Small States Inside and Outside the European Union, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998, p. 14; Clive Archer, Alyson J. K. Bailes and Anders Wevel, Small States and International Security: Europe and Beyond, p. 9.

    ① Club goods are built on the basis of user-paid joint supply and individual consumption, and their relative publicity is reflected in the exclusiveness of non-members and partial competitiveness among members. Fan, Y. & Bo, S. 区域公共产品理论与实践:解读区域合作新视点. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 24 (2011).

    ② Kyle Beardsley, “The UN at the Peacemaking-Peacebuilding Nexus”, Conflict Management and Peace Science, Vol. 30, No. 4, 2013, pp. 369–386.

    ① Steve Chan, “Power, Satisfaction and Popularity: A Poisson Analysis of UN Security Council Vetoes”, Cooperation and Conflict, Vol. 38, No. 4, 2003, pp. 339–359.

    ② Generally speaking, a region’s security threats and its demand for security public goods are relatively stable factors, and only the form and intensity of regional security threats will change.

    ③ Andrew F. Cooper and Timothy M. Shaw, The Diplomacies of Small States: Between Vulnerability and Resilience, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009, p. 26.

    ④ Huang, Y. World Economics and Politics (世界经济与政治), (3): 121 (2018).

    ① [US] Bull, H. The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics. Zhang, M. (trans.) Beijing: World Affairs Press, 247 (2003).

    ② Fan, Y. World Economics and Politics (世界经济与政治), (1): 7–13 (2008).

    ③ John S. Moolakkattu, “The Role of the African Union in Continental Peace and Security Governance”, India Quarterly, Vol. 66, No. 2, 2010, pp. 151–165.

    ① Luis S. Salazar, “The Current Crisis of US Domination over the Americas”, Critical Sociology, Vol. 38, No. 2, 2011, p. 185.

    ② Of course, member states are also concerned that their autonomy may be undermined by the small state groups, which to some extent will hinder the willingness and ability of the small state groups to supply public goods.

    ③ Robert L. Rothstein, Alliances and Small Power, Columbia University Press, 1968, p. 253.

    ④ Chen, X. Journal of Strategy and Decision-Making (战略决策研究), (1): 89 (2017).

    ① Cao, Y. (ed.) 东南亚国家联盟:结构、运作与对外关系. Beijing: China Economic Publishing House, 1 (2011).

    ② “West Africa Anti-terror Force Tops ECOWAS Summit Agenda”, India, June 5, 2016, http://www.india.com/news/world/west-africa-anti-terror-force-tops-ecowas-summit-agenda-1237458

    ① Jeanne A. K. Hey, ed., Small States in World Politics: Explaining Foreign Policy Behavior, Lynne Rienner, 2003, p. 194.

    ② Sun, D. World Economics and Politics (世界经济与政治), (6): 22–48 (2016).

    ① Martin Beck, “The End of Regional Middle Eastern Exceptionalism? The Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council after the Arab Uprisings”, Democracy and Security, Vol. 11, No. 2, 2015, pp. 190–207.

    ① It should be said that this is a political rather than a military alliance in the true sense. Refer to Donald E. Weatherbee, International Relations in Southeast Asia: The Struggle for Autonomy, Rowman & Littlefield, 2015, p. 65.

    ② Leszek Buszynski, SEATO: The Failure of an Alliance Strategy, Singapore University Press, 1983, p. 226.

    ③Although it is claimed in the Bangkok Declaration announcing the establishment of the ASEAN in 1967 that the purpose of the ASEAN is to promote regional economic development, social progress and cultural development, the political security factor is the main hidden driver behind it, and the ASEAN’s downplaying of political security is to avoid the misunderstanding of the ASEAN’s motives by surrounding powers.

    ④ Donald E. Weatherbee, International Relations in Southeast Asia: The Struggle for Autonomy, p. 21.

    ⑤ Arnfinn Jorgensen-Dahl, Regional Organization and Order in Southeast Asia, The Macmillan University Press, 1982, p. 73.

    ① Koro Bessho, Identities and Security in East Asia, Adelphi Paper 325, International Institute of Strategic Studies, 1999, pp. 41–42.

    ② Arnfinn Jorgensen-Dahl, Regional Organization and Order in Southeast Asia, The Macmillan University Press, 1982, p. 77. Quote from Zheng, X. 安全、合作与共同体:东南亚安全区域主义理论与实践. Nanjing: Nanjing University Press, 199 (2009).

    ③ Zhang, X.当代东南亚政治. Nanning: Guangxi People’s Publishing House, 428 (1995).

    ④ The neutralization proposition proposed by Malaysia derives from its own security concerns after the UK and the US announced the contraction of their military forces in Southeast Asia. Refer to Alison Broinowski, ed., Understanding ASEAN, St. Martin’s Press, 1982, p. 25.

    ① Muthiah Alagappa, “Regional Arrangements and International Security in Southeast Asia: Going Beyond ZOPFAN”, Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vol. 12, No. 4, 1991, p. 274.

    ② [Canada] Acharya, A Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order. Wang, Z. & Feng, H. (trans.) Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 75 (2004).

    ① Liu, C. & Sun, Y. Issues of Contemporary World Socialism (当代世界社会主义问题), (1): 110–127 (2014).

    ② Editorial Board of Legal Textbooks国际关系史资料选编 (下册). Wuhan: Wuhan University Press, 601 (1983).

    ① Michael Leifer, The ASEAN Regional Forum-Expending ASEAN’s Model of Regional Security, Oxford University Press, 1996; Ralf Emmers, Cooperation Security and the Balance of Power in ASEAN and ARF, Routledge Curzon, 2003.

    ② Liselotte Odgaard, The Balance of Power in Asia-Pacific Security: US-China Politics on Regional Order, Routledge, 2007, p. 175.

    ① Shaun Narine, “the ASEAN and the Management of Regional Security”, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 71, No. 2, 1998, p. 201.

    ② Karl Deutsch, The Analysis of International Relations, Prentice Hall, 1988, p. 276.

    ③ Ronald J. Yalem, “Regional Security Communities”, in George W. Keeton and George Scharzenberger, eds., The Yearbook on International Affairs, Stevens, 1979, pp. 217–223. Quoted from [Canada] Acharya, A Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order. Wang, Z. & Feng, H. (trans.) Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 23 (2004).

    ④ Zheng, X. World Economics and Politics (世界经济与政治), (5): 24 (2004).

    ⑤ Wei, H. Journal of Central China Normal University (Humanities and Social Sciences) (华中师范大学学报 (人文社会科学版)), (6): 29 (2015).

    ① Bilveer Singb, The Talibanization of Southeast Asia: Losing the War on Terror to Islamist Extremists, Praeger Security International, 2007, p. 137.

    ② Jurgen Haacke summarized the “ASEAN norms” in six aspects: sovereign equality, non-force and peaceful settlement of conflicts, non-interference in internal affairs, non-involvement in unresolved conflicts among member states, quiet diplomacy and mutual respect and tolerance. Refer to Jurgen Haacke, ASEAN’s Diplomatic and Security Culture: Origins, Development and Prospects, Routledge, 2005, p. 1.

    ① Richard Stubbs, “ASEAN’s Leadership in East Asian Region-Building: Strength in Weakness”, The Pacific Review, Vol. 27, No. 4, 2014, p. 523.

    ② Alice Ba, “Between China and America: ASEAN’s Great Power Dilemma”, in Evelyn Goh and Sheldon Simon, eds., China, the United States, and Southeast Asia: Contending Perspective on Politics, Security and Economics, Routledge, 2008, p. 108.

    ③ The ASEAN is essentially a political organization with the purpose of maintaining peace and stability within its member states. Refer to Saw Swee Hock, ed., ASEAN Economies in Transition, Singapore University Press for the Applied Research Corp, 1980, p. 326.

    ④ Rodolfo Severino, Southeast Asia in Search of an ASEAN Community-Insights from the former ASEAN Secretary-General, ISEAS Publishing, 2006, p. 12.

This Article

ISSN:1003-3386

CN: 11-5370/D

Vol 35, No. 05, Pages 132-156

September 2018

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Article Outline

  • 1 Introduction
  • 一、问题的提出
  • 2 Literature review
  • 二、既有研究回顾
  • 3 Autonomy preference, power pooling and the supply of regional security public goods by small state groups
  • 三、自主偏好、力量汇集与小国集团的区域安全公共产品供给
  • 4 Historical evolution of the supply of regional security public goods by the ASEAN
  • 四、东盟供给区域安全公共产品的历史演进
  • 5 Conclusion
  • 五、结论
  • Footnote
  • 脚注