Sponsored by Institute of World Economics and Politics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
ISSN 1006-9550 CN 11-1343/F
12 issues per year
Discipline(s): Politics, Law & Military; Economics & Finance
Current Issue: Issue 12, 2015
World Economics and Politics is supervised by Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and sponsored by Institute of World Economics and Politics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. It was launched in 1979, is a flagship in the domain of international relations research in China, aiming to combine international politics and world economy, theory and practice, domestic and international issues. The journal focuses on the comprehensive, forward-looking and innovative topics which are closely related to hot issues. Articles published mainly attach to groundbreaking scientific research from all fields of economics and international politics, particularly those with an emphasis on the overall analysis of global changes and characteristics. The journal is included in CSSCI.
The issue of whether inter-state political conflict will impair economic and trade flows has long been the focus of many scholars in the field of international political economy. The authors conducted empirical research on the interactive relations among political relations, economic and trade flows and economic power using the quarterly data of typical East Asian countries from 1980 to 2013, and the conclusions are as follows: firstly, the deterioration of political relations will apparently decrease the trade flows between China and East Asian countries, but the correlation between political relations and trade does not stay unchanged. The strengthening of China’s economic power brought obvious trade pulling effect to East Asia. What is more important is that it can counteract political risks and obviously decrease the sensitivity of bilateral trade on political conflicts (partial effect), and China is gradually becoming the stabilizer of trade prosperity in East Asia. Secondly, the influence of China’s rise varies obviously in different sample groups, and only in non-confrontational countries can the role of the above trade pulling effect and political risks counteracting work. Finally, the relations among political relations, trade flows and economic power present different characteristics in different periods. Before the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, the trade facilitating effect brought by the increase of China’s economic power gradually increased, yet the role in counteracting political risks and stabilizing bilateral trade was constantly decreasing; during the recovery phase after the crisis, the influence of political relations on trade in East Asia is no longer significant.
U.S. strategy toward Latin American integration in the post-Cold War era from the perspective of the hegemonic interests
Since the end of the Cold War, Latin American integration process has involved three important parts: the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR/Mercosur), the Union of South American Nations (USAN) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in the dominant position and middle ground, the Pacific Alliance with a high degree of openness in the center-right ground, and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) with strong anti-America sentiment. In order to maintain its hegemonic interests in the post-Cold War era, the United States has directly participated in the trans-regional integration processes, and adopted different attitudes toward the local Latin American integration processes. The U.S. tried to establish the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which could be a base of American hegemonic institutional position. But this effort failed. Through constructing the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), signing bilateral trade agreements, and exploiting the internal conflict in Latin American states, the U.S. tries to weaken those regional and sub-regional processes which aim to unite and get independence. The North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), the bilateral Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and TPP all belong to the U.S. trans-regional integration strategies, and these strategies weaken and divide the Latin American states, and enhance the U.S.-dominated regional and global institutional systems, while they also promote U.S. status of the hegemonic power. The divide and rule strategy toward the Latin American regional integration has suppressed the forces that challenged the U.S. hegemonic interests, weakened the processes that might harm the U.S. hegemonic interests, and promoted the processes that do good to the U.S. hegemonic interests.
The picture of the dead body of a 3-year-old Syrian boy lying on a Turkish beach has attracted worldwide attention after its extensive circulation in social media, which prompted several European countries to relax their previous staunch stance on refusing to accept European refugees. The camera lens has a penetrating power compared with words. As represented by the Kurdi’s picture, it illustrates the important role of visual images in reconstituting social discourse and identity as well as in affecting, mobilizing and constructing foreign policy discourse. Besides arousing the attention of the whole world to refugee crisis in Europe, and changing the fate of many refugees, the image of a 3-year-old drown boy also frames Western countries’ discourse premise toward this political issue debate. The author aims to explore why images have such effect. On the basis of reviewing images and related literature on foreign policies, the author proposes an intertextual approach consisting of the production of image, the image itself, the image-text nexus, and main social discourse from a poststructuralist approach about discourse, identity and foreign policy to illustrate the foreign policy debate in the UK about the refugee crisis mobilized by Kurdi’s picture. The empirical analysis finds that the Kurdi picture and its circulation have framed the possible condition for policy debate on refugee crisis, reconstructed the identity of foreign refugees from “invaders ” to “victims,” questioned the identity of the UK as a traditional humanitarian country, and mobilized debate on foreign policy in the country.
Power transition, state will and transformation of the international order: a case study of the July Crisis
Power transition is a natural phenomenon in the history of international relations. Either the will of the dominant state maintaining the existing international order or the will of the rising state constructing a new international order changes during the lengthy process of power transition, and has impact on the transformation of the international order. The structural pressure faced by the dominant and rising states is approximately the same during the balance stage of power transition. However, once the dominant state has a strong state will to maintain the existing international order, while a rising state has a strong state will to establish a new international order, the balance of their state wills will determine the war mechanism of transformation of the international order. Power of Russia and France was almost equal to that of Germany and Austria-Hungary before the July Crisis. During the crisis of Austria-Hungary and Serbia, Russia attempted to weaken Austria-Hungary and dominate the Balkans, and its state will was enhanced continuously. However, for Germany, to safeguard the integrity of Austria-Hungary meant to maintain the order of the balance of power on the European continent and German strategic position of security in Europe. Thus, Germany showed a strong state will to safeguard the integrity of Austria-Hungary. As a consequence, a war started because of the balance of state wills between Russia and Germany based on the competition for the dominant power of the international order.
The main international conventions that are relevant to freedom of overflight on seas are the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the Chicago Convention. Apart from international conventions and customs, national behaviors not prohibited under international law including setting up an Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) may limit the freedom of overflight on seas, too. The validity for ADIZ to limit freedom of overflight on seas comes from the fact that it is not prohibited by international law and the justification for coastal states to safeguard national security as well. Freedom of overflight on seas should be protected while it may also be abused, which would threaten national security of coastal states. From this perspective, freedom of overflight on seas entitled to states is compatible with the freedom of coastal states to set up ADIZs. Hence, in view of the legal nature of international law, an ADIZ is preventive self-defense taken by coastal states to safeguard national security with the fundamental purpose of identification, which is justifiable and not prohibited by international law. As preventive self-defense, the legal basis of an ADIZ comes from the internationally recognized Caroline test, but the main purpose of ADIZs is to provide more judgment evidence and advanced warning time for valid use of military force through identification. The East China Sea ADIZ is consistent with international practice and does not obstruct freedom of overflight on seas.
Does China’s foreign trade increase the similarity of foreign policies between China and other countries? *
Foreign trade is an important part of China’s current external exchanges, but there is no systematic investigation on its diplomatic influence in the existing literature. The author formulates a core hypothesis that the growth of the volume or the proportion of bilateral trade between China and the relevant countries will increase the similarity of their foreign policies, and tests it with the United Nations General Assembly voting data to measure the similarity of foreign policies of countries, based on the existing trade data in the field of international relations, by the means of the large-N statistical method, and with most of small and medium-sized countries as the objects. The results indicate that the growth of China’s volume of total bilateral trade, its trade share and its trade dependence with contemporaneous and lagged (t － 1) effect can effectively increase the similarity of foreign policies between China and relevant countries in the post-Cold War era. However, this effect also varies with the specific issues. The variables related to China’s trade have relatively explicit explanatory power on the issue of Palestine; these variables also exert influence on the issues of human rights together with the variable of political system; on the issues of arms control and disarmament, the explanatory power of variables of China’s trade is relatively low, whereas the factors concerning foreign trade of the United States and its allies play a significant role.