Sponsored by Institute of World Economics and Politics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
ISSN 1006-9550 CN 11-1343/F
12 issues per year
Discipline(s): Politics, Law & Military; Economics & Finance
Current Issue: Issue 11, 2014
World Economics and Politics is supervised by Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and sponsored by Institute of World Economics and Politics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. It was launched in 1979, is a flagship in the domain of international relations research in China, aiming to combine international politics and world economy, theory and practice, domestic and international issues. The journal focuses on the comprehensive, forward-looking and innovative topics which are closely related to hot issues. Articles published mainly attach to groundbreaking scientific research from all fields of economics and international politics, particularly those with an emphasis on the overall analysis of global changes and characteristics. The journal is included in CSSCI.
Compared with other regional trade agreements (RTAs), an important characteristic of Maritime Silk Road is its diversified cooperation mechanisms. The diversification partially resulted from the marked differences in politics, economy, history and culture among Asian countries, which impede the formation of a free trade agreement (FTA) covering the whole Asia in a short term. Moreover, the diversification is resulted from the orientation of Maritime Silk Road, namely, a major platform of China’s economic diplomacy of qin (amity), cheng (sincerity), hui (mutual benefit) and rong (inclusiveness) in the new period. Specifically, the Northeast Asia should be the starting point of Maritime Silk Road to promote the subregional economic cooperation within China, Mongolia, Russia, the DPRK and the ROK; in China’s coastal areas, the cooperation between the Chinese mainland, Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan should center on Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) and Closer Economic Partnership Agreements (CEPA); China-ASEAN FTA should be upgraded in Southeast Asia. In South Asia, the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM) and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor may act as an important breakthrough; extending as far as the West Asia, FTA negotiation between China and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) may facilitate multi-lateral cooperation. The terminal point of Maritime Silk Road should be open. In addition, a series of cooperation mechanisms representing the Maritime Silk Road should also be included in the trans-regional cooperation. Thus, the diversified cooperation mechanisms of Maritime Silk Road are parallel with current regional cooperation mechanisms.
Multi-dimensional considerations are needed when we analyze the status quo, nature, and prospects of the power shift in East Asia. This paper argues that although China’s rise has changed previous East Asian power structure to some extent, yet it has not caused a substantive power shift in the region. The current power shift is obviously chaotic: individual East Asian economies perhaps gain some relative advantages in some aspects during the rise, but none of them can attain decisive power advantages in all power structures, not to mention fundamentally overturning America’s power advantages in the region. Power shift in East Asia is in essence the enhancement of individual economies’ statuses in the U.S. dollar system. The formation and development of the U.S. dollar system, a too-big-to-fail “threat system” is crucial for maintaining America’s hegemony. For this reason, maintaining the U.S. dollar’s hegemony constitutes a core national interest for the United States. In practice, the U.S. has started its long-term power games with Japan and China when faced with the rapid rise of these two largest East Asian economies within the U.S. dollar system. There are two possible scenarios for the power shift in East Asia. One is power diffusion in the U.S. dollar system and the other is a fundamentally changed international power system resulting from the power shift from the U.S. to China. To achieve the second scenario, China needs to deal with two key problems, namely the country’s fragile status in the new “triangle trade” and the institutional constraints on its financial development. Moreover, another two important issues must be considered seriously by the country. The first is how to gradually escape from the constraints imposed by the U.S. dollar system and the resultant risks. The second is how to determine its own future between reemerging as a great power and becoming a new type of great power with global significance.
Information transmission mechanism in the cyber era and its challenge to the traditional strategic interaction
Nuclear deterrence reduces the risk of war and has the effect of strategic stability. Whether deterrent strategy functions or not depends on valid mechanism of intention transmission in the interactions among countries. Traditional strategic deterrence such as nuclear deterrence has little effect on system stability in cyberspace for cyber space’s unique composition mode and behavior logic. In the Internet age, making strategic decisions needs to deal with massive, disordered and non-structured data. Commitment, deterrence, offense, defense and other main traditional intention transmission mechanisms may become invalid caused by the characteristics of cyber information transmission. The intention of the interacting parties is difficult to deliver effectively, and the two interacting sides may find it difficult to judge each other’s intentions, so that the “instant strike” strategy is preferred and retaliation attack would be taken even before an accurate confirmation on the prior attacker. The possibility of misclassification surges, and cyber space shows “strategic instability.” Over-reliance on direct impression may cause strategic miscalculation and escalation of conflicts in cyber space. To avoid this and gain advantages in the future strategic games, nation states should locate the strategic rivals, distinguish their intention and understand their behavior modes by quick analyses of big data. By doing so, they can reduce errors and improve the quality of strategic decisions. In sum, it is of great significance in theory and practice to make an analysis of strategic interaction logic from the perspective of network communication.
City diplomacy is a new diplomatic phenomenon in this world of globalization. From the international sister cities in the early stage to today’s increasingly emerging multi-lateral organization of cities, city diplomacy is developing in an ever more flourishing way. Especially, with the rapid rise of China and the deepening of urbanization, there are more and more cities which have set up a strategy to be a world city or an internationalized metropolis. City diplomacy has become an important carrier to support these strategies. However, there is no satisfactory theoretical explanation of city diplomacy. Whether it is the world-system theory, or the main stream theories such as the liberalism or the realism, they only capture one side of the reason why city diplomacy has become increasingly important, whilst failing to comprehend this phenomenon in a mufti-aspect and multi-dimension way. As a matter of fact, city diplomacy is a process of embedment of the diplomatic function of a city. In the process of urbanization, cities are gradually embedded with the diplomacy of sovereign states, of international organizations and institutions, and of social networks, which constructs an embedded diplomacy system that meets the demands for globalization and urbanization on cities’ functions. We can see this process clearly in the diplomatic practice of Shanghai, China’s biggest city. Thus, China needs to form an explicit strategy of city internationalization so that cities that have abundant resources of international communications could transform the resources into diplomatic institutions, and promote city diplomacy in an enthusiastic and progressive way, making greater contributions to both the city’s international competitiveness and the diplomacy of the country as a whole.
As an institutionalized relation among world regions and a new phenomenon in international relations, interregionalism has played an important role in regional, trans-regional and global governance, and become significant building blocks of an emerging multilayered global governance system. The paper argues that interregional governance should be considered as a new distinct mode of global governance based on interregionalism practice, and puts forward some comprehensive views on its core issues such as its rise, key actors, basic conditions and alternative paths. Firstly, it argues that interregional governance is a dual realistic response to globalization and regionalization made by regional countries and other actors as a kind of extension and expansion of rapidly developing regionalism governance after the Cold War, and this results in a dual process in which the specified regional actors realize their regional internal and external collaborative governance. Secondly, it holds that the process of interregional governance is driven by regional states and non-state actors together, but regional powers and intergovernmental organizations play a crucial role in it as leaders. Thirdly, it contends that interregional governance needs the common basis of power, interests and identity, so power-balancing, interest-sharing and identity-strengthening in their interaction and mutual construction form necessary materials and an ideal condition for its start and continuous operation. Finally, it points out that some specific functions of interregionalism such as institution-building, norm-diffusing and agenda-setting can bring about internal and external impacts on regions, and offer alternative paths for interregional governance. Therefore, this paper concludes that the key actors, basic conditions and alternative paths of interregional governance in the mutual influence and interaction as a whole constitute a comprehensive analytical framework of its research.